Day: April 26, 2025

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Editor’s note: The Canada Files is the country’s only news outlet focused on Canadian foreign policy. We’ve provided critical investigations & hard-hitting analysis on Canadian foreign policy since 2019, and need your support.
 
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Written by: Aidan Jonah

A Liberal MP candidate in Toronto is coming under extreme scrutiny, because he hasn’t towed Canada’s anti-China party line. Canada’s McCarthyite atmosphere continues to ramp up.

 

Which candidate replaced the MP, how is he being attacked?

A former Liberal MP, Paul Chiang, represented the Markham-Unionville federal riding between 2021 to 2025. Chiang was caught suggesting that people could turn in Joe Tay, now the Conservative candidate for the same riding, and one of the six HKers with the $1 million bounty slapped on their head for actions around the 2019 Western-backed riots in HK. There are some claims that Chiang’s comments were made as a joke, rather than a serious suggestion.

Regardless, this situation led to Chiang’s resignation from the Liberal nomination for Markham-Unionville. This came amidst long-term Conservative party bitterness about Chiang’s victory in 2021, with the Conservatives and their media allies claiming Chinese ‘interference’ drove former MP Bob Saroya’s defeat in the riding, without proper evidence to back the claim up.

Peter Yuen, a former Toronto police deputy chief, was selected to replace Chiang, as Liberal candidate for Markham-Unionville. He’s been targeted by members of the anti-Chinese government faction of Chinese Canadian diaspora, and their supporters (ex. 1, ex. 2, ex. 3), for daring to have sung “My Chinese Heart” at a Chinese Canadian community event in 2017. The anti-communist diaspora faction’s narrative is that this song indicates ‘loyalty’ to the Chinese government because “In 2009, My Chinese Heart was selected as one of the 100 patriotic songs recommended by the Central Propaganda Department.”

Canada’s Globe & Mail, known for having a prominent journalist volunteer to promote a domestic intelligence campaign pushing paranoia about foreign interference in Canadian politics, has gone after Yuen.

Robert Fife and Steven Chase, the same two who were caught doing CSIS’ dirty work, produced an article that claimed (bolding added):

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“Mr. Yuen appears to have a strong relationship with China’s diplomatic mission in Toronto.
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In the context of Yuen being a former honourary director at JCCC: Statements and actions by JCCC echo narratives pushed by Beijing that, according to Human Rights Watch, has deepened repression of its citizens under Mr. Xi’s rule.”
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According to Cheuk Kwan of Toronto Association for Democracy in Canada: “it is well known within the Chinese-Canadian community that the JCCC and Chinese Freemasons are pro-Beijing proxy organizations.”

Yuen was further targeted by association:

“Mr. Yuen has also spoken at and attended events of the Toronto branch of Chinese Freemasons, which has advocated for what it calls the ‘peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan,’ a phrase rejected by the Taiwanese government, which contends that only the self-governing island can decide its own future.”

The Globe & Mail wanted Yuen, as a potential Liberal MP, to do the usual ‘China bad’ declaration, but he didn’t oblige as the article notes:

“[Yuen] declined to answer e-mailed questions from The Globe and Mail on whether he supports Taiwan’s self-determination, condemns China’s crimes against its Uyghur minority or disapproves of UFWD activities.”

A further Fife and Chase article targeted Yuen for accepting an invitation to a Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) celebration in 2015, but his participation was greenlighted by Toronto’s police service.

A Global News article attacked Yuen for his participation in 2014 and 2016 events – one in which he presented a plaque to a former Chinese Consul General in Toronto, and another of the then-Liberal provincial government’s flag raising ceremony for the 67th anniversary of the PRC’s founding in 1949 – and promoted the perspective of the same Kwan whose views were promoted by the Globe & Mail.

Sam Cooper, known for claiming movie footage ‘proved’ an ex-RCMP officer met with the mafia in Macau – then claiming his failure was somehow China’s fault, when caught – also joined in the pressure campaign on Yuen. After Yuen became the replacement Liberal candidate for Markham-Unionville, Cooper used Conservative party sources, to claim without evidence, that China interfered in that riding during the 2021 election race.

Chiang pressured into political retirement

After Chiang’s comments about Tay were unearthed, outrage amongst Canada’s political elite spread rapidly.

Initially, it looked as though Chiang would continue being the Liberal candidate for Markham-Unionville, as Liberal leader Mark Carney came out to call Chiang’s comments “deeply offensive”, but a “teachable moment”, and kept Chiang as a candidate.

However, Canada’s Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) confirmed on March 31, 2025, that they were “reviewing whether a Toronto-area Liberal candidate broke the law” with his comments about Tay. Given how the Canadian political establishment is coddling and supporting the anti-Chinese government faction of the Chinese Canadian diaspora, Hong Kong Watch (HKW)’s comments need to be considered:

“Mr. Chiang’s conduct would appear to fit within the parameters of counselling to commit the indictable offence of kidnapping, per section 464 of the Criminal Code.”

The anti-democratic Bill C-70 (against foreign interference), which The Canada Files warned (ex. 1, ex. 2) about last summer, contains very broad and vague text that punishes supposed interference with life imprisonment. Hong Kong Watch cited it regarding Chiang:

“In addition, Section 20 of the Foreign Interference and Security of Information Act passed by Parliament into law last year, states, ‘Every person commits an offence who, at the direction of, for the benefit of or in association with, a foreign entity or a terrorist group, induces or attempts to induce, by intimidation, threat or violence, any person to do anything or to cause anything to be done.’”

HKW made their comments in a March 31 letter to RCMP Commissioner Michael Duheme, which included this demand:

“As Canadians prepare to vote on April 28, you must provide reassurance that the RCMP is capable of countering foreign interference.”

On the same day, the RCMP confirmed they were investigating Chiang’s comments about Tay. HKW proudly stated that “Late on 31 March, following this letter, Paul Chiang announced he was stepping aside from the federal election.”

Canada’s support for Hong Kong rioters

Why would Canada’s political elite be so protective of the HongKongers in Canada? Because they produced apologetics for the rioters in 2019/2020 – including complaints about the 2020 National Security Law that clamped down on foreign funding – and the cancellation of the extradition treaty between Canada and China’s HKSAR that same year. Anti-China rioter Agnes Chow also took the opportunity to be an international student in Canada, despite being under investigation for additional charges – other than incitement and unlawful assembly charges which she pled guilty to – and used the chance to flee China.

Canada has been facilitating the HongKongers’ cooperation with the other elements of the anti-Chinese government faction of the Chinese Canadian diaspora.

Last year, Canadian parliamentarians began working to boost the profile of HongKongers and damage Canada’s relationship with China’s Hong Kong SAR through a parliament subcommittee, but their efforts were defeated temporarily when Canada’s parliament was prorogued and then an election was called.

With Conservative candidate Joe Tay having a shot of becoming a Canadian MP, HongKongers will be far more relevant in Canada than in China’s HKSAR, in the coming years.

Tay has utilizied Canada’s McCarthyite atmosphere to keep attention on his candidacy. Western Standard News reported – on April 23, 2025, that:

“Conservative candidate Joe Tay has suspended public campaigning in Don Valley North after Canadian security officials warned of threats tied to a Chinese government repression campaign targeting him.”

Canada’s establishment – the Security and Intelligence Threats to Elections (SITE) task force, Canadian security officials and others – is doing their best to make sure Tay can get into parliament, by fuelling evidence-free claims of China interfering to damage Tay’s candidacy.

Chiang of the past, Yuen of the future?

Chiang’s potential overreach in his comments obscure the deeper ramification of the reactions towards Chiang (that dissent towards China policy will be punished more and more firmly in the future), which produced the ‘voluntary’ end to his political career as an MP.

If Yuen can’t hold his nerve, he’ll either be forced into the ritual ‘China bad’ statements the McCarthyite political elites in Canada want to hear, or resign the Liberal nomination as well.

If Yuen can hold his nerve, it will be fascinating to see how Canada’s political elites will attempt to persecute him – likely through the intelligence services and the mainstream media – if he wins his riding and becomes a sitting MP, and how he and the Chinese Canadian community may fight back against this.

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Aidan Jonah is the Editor-in-Chief of The Canada Files, an independent news outlet covering Canadian foreign policy with a strong focus on Canada-China relations. Jonah wrote a report for the 48th session of the UN Human Rights Council, held in September 2021.

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Editor’s note: The Canada Files is the country’s only news outlet focused on Canadian foreign policy. We’ve provided critical investigations & hard-hitting analysis on Canadian foreign policy since 2019, and need your support.
 
Please consider setting up a monthly or annual donation through Donorbox.

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Written by: Aidan Jonah & Alex Tyrell

Jonathan Pedneault, the Green Party of Canada’s co-leader, has built his public persona as a journalist and human rights advocate. His career has taken him through some of the world’s most volatile conflict zones—Darfur, Libya, South Sudan, Venezuela, Ukraine, Georgia and more—often in roles that align closely with Western interventionist policies and NATO-backed operations.

Given his past, serious questions must be asked: is Pedneault truly an independent journalist and advocate for human rights? Or has his work served as a tool for advancing U.S. and NATO-aligned foreign policy goals?

 

A Career That Mirrors U.S.-Backed Regime Change Operations

Pedneault’s background suggests a pattern of work that closely follows U.S. and NATO foreign policy objectives. His involvement in conflict zones where the West has sought to destabilize governments, support opposition forces, or justify military interventions cannot be ignored.

 

Darfur: Embedding with Western-Backed Rebels

In 2008, at just 17 years old, Pedneault traveled to Chad and crossed into Sudan’s Darfur region with rebels from the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). The JEM was a major armed faction fighting against the Sudanese government— JEM having been indirectly enabled by Western governments, because of US sanctions which started in 1997. Pedneault was joined by Alexander Trudeau, former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s brother, on this mission. Together they produced a documentary for CBC. 

His work in Darfur contributed to the broader Western media narrative that framed Sudan’s government as a genocidal regime, a position that helped justify economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation by the U.S. and its allies.

Libya: Reporting from the Front Lines of a NATO Regime Change War

In 2011, Pedneault traveled to Libya to cover the NATO war against Muammar Gaddafi. He embedded with Western-backed rebels and was joined in Tripoli by journalists James Foley and John Lee Anderson shortly after rebel forces seized the capital. The three shared accommodations in Tripoli while reporting from the front lines. VanDyke, an American who fought alongside the Libyan rebels, would later found a paramilitary training group, while Foley had previously worked as an embedded journalist with U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. Although neither man was formally affiliated with U.S. intelligence, both operated in close proximity to Western military operations. VanDyke later headed to Ukraine to fight in NATO’s proxy war against Russia. 

The NATO war in Libya was sold to the western public as a “humanitarian intervention,” but it led to the destruction of the country, the rise of ISIS, and a humanitarian crisis. 

In a 2011 photo essay from Libya, Jonathan Pedneault captured a moment of ‘revolutionary optimism’ among anti-Gaddafi rebels. “It will be a democracy where everyone has a place,” one fighter told him, while another declared, “For 42 years we’ve had the same leader. What has he done to develop our country? Nothing! Nothing at all. That will change when we take power.” Presented without critical context, Pedneault’s photo essay reflected the hopeful, yet ultimately naïve, vision of a new ‘democratic’ Libya—a vision that was soon overtaken by civil war, foreign intervention, and national collapse. The quote now reads as a relic of failed promises.

Just last week, Elizabeth May boasted during her local candidates debate that she was the only MP to vote against bombing Libya. Was Pedneault, her co-leader, on the opposite side of this issue, manufacturing consent for that very bombing? 

 

Venezuela: Echoing Washington’s Narrative

Between 2017 and 2022, Jonathan Pedneault served as a researcher with the emergencies team at Human Rights Watch (HRW). During this period, he conducted investigations in Venezuela, focusing on documenting alleged human rights abuses committed by security forces following elections and protests. His work involved operating discreetly within the country to gather evidence of excessive use of force by authorities.   

These investigations were part of a broader effort by HRW to highlight violations of human rights in Venezuela during a time of political unrest. Pedneault’s findings contributed to reports that aimed to hold perpetrators accountable and bring international attention to the situation.

His work in Venezuela was centered on exposing any abuses by the government, and aligned with the interests of Western entities seeking regime change.

By focusing narrowly on the Maduro government’s alleged abuses and omitting the devastating effects of U.S.-imposed restrictions, Pedneault’s work effectively reinforced Washington’s case for intervention — a common critique of HRW as an institution that selectively investigates countries in conflict with U.S. interests.

No similar investigations were undertaken by Pedneault in Colombia, Brazil under Bolsonaro, or Honduras under U.S.-backed regimes — despite well-documented abuses in those countries. Pedneault’s reporting helped legitimize calls for further sanctions and even military threats.

 

South Sudan: Supporting a U.S.-Backed Separatist State

After Libya, Pedneault moved on to South Sudan, a country that had just been created through Western backing following its split from Sudan. He trained journalists in the newly formed state.

Again, his presence in a U.S.-backed state raises concerns: was he helping to support independent journalism, or shaping narratives favorable to Western interests?

 

Syria: A Return to Conflict Zones, but Questions Remain

In early 2025, Jonathan Pedneault stated that he had returned to field work in conflict zones, including Syria. However, no specific reports or documentation have been made public regarding his activities there. His presence raises questions, especially given Syria’s role as a focal point of Western regime change efforts over the past decade.

Western governments, including Canada, supported the opposition to Bashar al-Assad, framing the Western dirty war as a pro-democracy uprising. But over time, many of the opposition-held territories fell under the control of radical Islamist factions, some with ties to al-Qaeda and other extremist groups. In this context, Western-aligned reporting and NGO activity in Syria have drawn criticism for legitimizing foreign intervention and armed militias.

Georgia: Reinforcing Western Strategic Interests on Russia’s Border

In 2024, Pedneault returned to the field after quitting his position with the Green Party in July, choosing Georgia as one of his destinations. The timing and location are telling. Georgia remains a key flashpoint in the geopolitical tug-of-war between NATO and Russia, with the U.S. heavily invested in expanding Western influence in the South Caucasus region.

Pedneault’s activities in Georgia, according to his own statements, were tied to conflict monitoring and human rights reporting. But in a context where virtually all foreign “democracy promotion” efforts are part of larger NATO-aligned statecraft, his work again raises questions: was he operating as an independent actor, or reinforcing the dominant Western narrative of Russian aggression and Georgian victimhood?

Much like his earlier assignments, his presence in a country central to NATO’s eastern expansion strategy fits a consistent pattern — one that suggests he may be part of a broader effort to frame complex geopolitical conflicts through a Western lens, reinforcing the need for militarized deterrence and foreign policy alignment with NATO.

 

Ukraine

In 2022, Pedneault’s last investigative assignment before entering politics was in Ukraine during the first ten days of the war, a critical period when NATO-aligned media sought to solidify support for Western military aid. His presence at that moment suggests he was actively helping to shape the pro-NATO narrative.

Is Pedneault Really an Independent Journalist?

Looking at his career, a clear pattern emerges:

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He has repeatedly embedded with Western-backed rebel groups.
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His access to NATO forces, opposition movements, and military operations suggests coordination with Western interventionist networks.
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His reporting and human rights work have consistently aligned with U.S. and NATO geopolitical objectives.

Independent journalists are often targeted, suppressed, or denied access when their work challenges Western narratives. Pedneault, on the other hand, appears to have enjoyed exceptional access to NATO military operations, Western-backed rebel factions, and opposition forces in countries targeted by U.S. regime change efforts.

 

A Militarized “Green Party” Platform

Since the start of the 2025 election campaign, Jonathan Pedneault has laid out a series of proposals that depart sharply from the Green Party’s traditional anti-war values and align more closely with the priorities of NATO-aligned states:

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Military Spending Increases: He has called for redirecting billions in procurement contracts toward domestic weapons manufacturing, rather than opposing militarization altogether.
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Fighter Jets Flip-Flop: Despite Elizabeth May’s past opposition to the F-35 program — even signing a public letter against it — Pedneault now supports purchasing fighter jets, so long as they are “Made in Canada or Europe.”
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Militarizing the Arctic: He advocates expanding Canadian naval presence and infrastructure across all three coasts, including the Arctic, echoing NATO’s growing strategic focus on the region.
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Troop Increases: Pedneault has called for expanding the reserve forces and launching a national civil defence corps, introducing military-adjacent roles under the guise of disaster preparedness.
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Civilian Training in Firearms and Tactical Skills: His civil defence plan includes training tens of thousands of civilians in basic military and survival tactics — a move that blurs the line between emergency preparedness and soft militarization.
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Support for Censorship in the Name of “Resilience”: Pedneault has repeatedly emphasized the threat of “foreign disinformation” and suggested measures that risk curbing dissent and legitimate political speech under the umbrella of national security.
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Politics of Fear: His rhetoric is dominated by warnings of invasion, economic annexation, and ‘authoritarian’ collapse — invoking a narrative of siege and fear that justifies militarization as a form of “resilience.”

 

A Record of Silence: No Work with Indigenous Nations or Victims of U.S. Empire

Despite his extensive résumé in international human rights reporting, Jonathan Pedneault’s career reveals a striking omission: he has not conducted meaningful work alongside Indigenous Nations in Canada, nor has he documented or engaged with victims of U.S. imperialism. While he has covered abuses in countries often deemed adversaries by the West—Venezuela, Syria, Libya—his record is silent on the long-standing struggles of Indigenous nations across Canada, including land defense, environmental degradation, systemic discrimination, and the impacts of extractive industries. Similarly, Pedneault has not reported on victims of U.S.-backed violence in places like Iraq, Afghanistan, Haiti, or Honduras, nor has he exposed the toll of American drone warfare, torture programs, or economic sanctions.

This absence raises questions about the selectivity of his human rights advocacy. At a time when movements like Land Back, Idle No More, and the campaign to end U.S. sanctions demand solidarity and visibility, Pedneault’s focus has remained squarely on governments the West seeks to undermine. This lopsided pattern reinforces the critique that his work has served not as a challenge to empire, but as a subtle reinforcement of its narratives. For someone now leading a party with a legacy of standing up for the oppressed and resisting militarism, Pedneault’s lack of connection to struggles within Canada and to those resisting U.S. domination globally is deeply troubling. 

 

Similarities with Annamie Paul 

Pedneault’s arrival as leader of the party comes just three years after his predecessor Annamie Paul attempted to take the party down the path of Zionism; a path that lead to widespread infighting and power struggles within the party. Both Paul and Pedneault were propelled to leadership through both public support and back room manoeuvres that circumvented the democratic selection of the party’s leadership. Both of these leaders came to politics after having lived almost entirely outside of Canada for the last ~15 years. Both claimed to have done human rights work internationally. Neither had a political network in Canada or a history of activism or engagement in public affairs within the country. Both have attempted to lead or force the party into a highly militaristic stance that is very unpopular with grass roots members, candidates and supporters. Neither one of these leaders managed to run a full slate of candidates. 

Green militarism does not sell, does not rally support and erases the voice of what used to be an outspoken anti war party and movement. 

 

Pedneault takes Greens away from peace advocacy

Under Jonathan Pedneault’s leadership, the Green Party has veered away from its long-standing commitment to peace, non-intervention, and grassroots solidarity. Once a voice for diplomacy and demilitarization, the party now echoes NATO talking points—from increased military spending and Arctic militarization to the formation of a new “Global Democratic Alliance” aimed at isolating claimed adversaries like China, Russia, and even the United States.

Pedneault’s professional history reinforces this shift. His body of work follows the trajectory of U.S. and NATO military interests, often aligning with Western-backed opposition movements while omitting the broader geopolitical consequences of foreign intervention. 

Even more troubling is his consistent silence on victims of U.S. imperialism and his lack of engagement with Indigenous Nations here in Canada. In a country still grappling with its colonial foundations, the absence of any meaningful work alongside Indigenous Nations—combined with a selective international record that avoids criticizing Western powers—reveals a narrow and ideologically convenient definition of “human rights.”

While Pedneault’s rhetoric may invoke “resilience” and “human rights,” the substance of his career and platform leans toward militarism, the security state, and foreign policy alignment with U.S. empire.

If the Green Party is to reclaim its founding values, it must reckon with the direction in which its leadership is heading—because for many supporters and observers, it’s genuinely shocking to see the party once known for peace and grassroots democracy now sounding indistinguishable from the very forces it was created to challenge. 

With Jonathan Pedneault at the helm, the Greens have failed to run a full slate of candidates, been excluded from the leaders’ debates, and alienated core activists. With all of these failures and a lack of strong commitment to the party and its founding principles this election will likely be his last at the helm of the Canadian Greens. 

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Aidan Jonah is the Editor-in-Chief of The Canada Files, an independent news outlet covering Canadian foreign policy with a strong focus on Canada-China relations. Jonah wrote a report for the 48th session of the UN Human Rights Council, held in September 2021.

Alex Tyrrell is leader of the Green Party of Québec. He is an eco-socialist activist and an outspoken voice against Canadian militarism.

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ICYMI: Family incarceration has been revived after Biden – and Jade, Jason and Gabriela are speaking out about their distressing treatment in Texas

When Jade and her family first arrived at the detention facility in Karnes county, Texas, she wasn’t really sure what to think.

“I guess I was confused and scared,” said the 13-year-old. Her parents were doing their best to reassure her that everything would be OK, but she knew they were in danger of being deported. Continue reading…
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